For decades of Syrians Strongman Bashar al-Assad has built his power on a single, relentless story of survival: the regime presents itself as the only shield against destruction for AlawiteIt is a religious and ethnic minority that makes up about one-tenth of Syria’s population. and has long understood itself to be threatened by the country’s Sunni majority.
Supporting Assad, who is Alawite, is not a matter of loyalty or politics for the community, the government insists, but of a choice between survival and extinction. Telling this story And fear of Sunni extremist groups such as the Islamic State and Jabat al-Nusra has kept many Alawis tied to Assad. Even if the cost is unbearable.
When Assad leaves Syria’s new government also has a chance to prove that its rule is not only evil. But it’s also built on lies. The fact that Alawis live in fear does not excuse the complicity of those among them who support the regime’s crimes, including mass imprisonmenttorture, extrajudicial killing and peaceful protest meetings as well serious Forced. But Syria’s future will depend on its ability to deny collective punishment to ordinary Alawis. and a willingness to guarantee their safety instead.
Growing up Alawite, in a family and community loyal to the Syrian government, I have seen firsthand the consequences of standing up against the regime. I joined the riot when it started. My Alawite background allowed me to pass the checkpoint. and in addition to other protests I helped transport aid and medical supplies to doctors treating injured protesters in underground clinics. in my community Opposing Assad is not just a political position. It is a near betrayal of religion. I am an Alawite who turned her back on the safety of her people, a traitor.
In 2012, my father, family, and community rejected me. I fled to rebel-held areas. and became a freelance photographer and writer. I finally moved to the United States in 2014 to continue my studies. Looking back I now understand why many people in the Alawi community supported the government in its early years. of conflict And why over time They are thus deeply disillusioned with the regime they once staunchly defended.
In the coastal city of Jableh, where I grew up, and in the surrounding Alawite mountains, activists live. approximately that tens of thousands of young men have died fighting in Assad’s army; This was especially true in the fight against opposition forces that began in 2011. By some estimatesAs many as 60 to 70 percent of young Alawite men in some villages and towns were killed or injured during the conflict. Some reports suggest that Jabelh alone has lost thousands In late 2016, I interviewed an old neighbor who had lost a leg in the war. He received no state support or official recognition for his sacrifice. “I lost one leg. But at least I didn’t lose my whole family,” he said. They told their son, brother and father to go fight on the front lines. for the survival of their community They returned to being nothing more than posters on the wall. Jableh became known as It is a “city of martyrs” among regime loyalists and on pro-regime social media networks. The loss of a young man was justifiable. It’s even a celebration.
But when the war went on Contradictions also began to emerge in the regime’s narrative. Even with the Alawi people. Friends who still live in Jableh tell me that some staunch loyalists—those who once cried out, “With our blood and soul We sacrifice for you Bashar”—silently began to reduce their support over time. The whispers turn into questions: Are those fighting for Assad truly fighting for survival, or are they pawns in a game that serves only those in power? rotating regime Video of Assad and his wife Asma Visiting wounded soldiers But many battles At times, the gesture of unity was seen as empty. “No one in the video has a single enemy,” one soldier told me. “No benefit came from those meetings. It was all performance.”
Courage and sacrifice seem meaningless without power. There have even been reports of surgeries and prosthetics. reserved For those with links to the regime’s elite Families that gave their sons and futures to the regime survived on bread and tea. Meanwhile, Assad’s inner circle and other top officials are boastful. Their wealth on Instagram—Luxury cars Seaside mansion lavish wedding– “As we were trying to save money for the wedding. They posted pictures of the banquet table. private jet and designer clothes,” a friend who had been in the army for nine years told me. “I never understood who they were trying to impress. It felt like we were the ones who had to die for our country so they could live.”
Meanwhile, Assad has regained control of most of the territory lost to the rebels. Syria plunges deeper into poverty– Regime blames Economic collapse from sanctionsThe price Syria must pay Stand up against foreign powers.– but the boycott doesn’t seem to have any effect on those who rose to wartime prosperity: the looters, the smugglers. and war profiteers protected by the regime. Syria becomes the world’s supplier of CaptagonIt is a psychostimulant drug that is manufactured and smuggled through extensive regional networks. Kidnapping for ransom has become commonplace. And checkpoints act as cash grabs for local thugs.
Earthquakes in 2023 It eventually toppled what was left of the regime’s façade. in Jabelh and other coastal towns various families Pulling corpses out of the rubble with bare hands and shared what little they had with each other to survive. Meanwhile Report on the arbitrary distribution of aid. and theft was widespread. Regime-related officials and organizations are involved in transferring aid to individuals with whom they have connections or for personal gain. The government later arrested villagers who dared to openly criticize corruption.
Feelings of disillusionment and betrayal have eroded the regime’s most basic support base. For many Alawis The fear of ultimately staying with Assad outweighs the fear of leaving him. When the battle of 2024 began, the Alawai soldiers fled their positions with such speed that even the enemy was startled.
The victorious rebel group Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) offered soldiers willing to surrender. Simple agreement: Put your arms down and you’ll be safe. In a desperate attempt to regain loyalty The government therefore announced Increase salary by 50 percent for soldiers– but this came too late, many Alawite soldiers viewed the proposed HTS as a safe haven. What keeps them fighting for Assad is not loyalty. But it’s fear. And when that fear is gone Their loyalty was gone.
Today, friends I spoke to in Jableh expressed relief that Assad, who couldn’t muster the decency to accept their sacrifice before boarding a plane to Moscow, is gone. They were also relieved that the war was over. But relief is not the same as peace. Many Alawites worry that one nightmare will just give way to another. The rebels’ revenge will be the answer for their unrequited loyalty to Assad.
Syria has an opportunity to overcome this bond. The fear created by decades of sectarian propaganda will not fade away in one fell swoop. But the new government can help alleviate them by holding rebels accountable. and ensure that justice is dispensed by the legislature. Instead, it is the armed groups that have the score to decide. Civil society can build trust by working with Alawite communities to expose and address acts of violence or state corruption.
Justice will certainly seem elusive after such great bloodshed. In a country where every side claims their death as a martyr and blames everyone else. For this massacre But if Syrians want to break the cycle of violence in the country They must feel each other’s pain. and find a way to mourn together The scars of war can serve as a reminder, not something that divides Syrians. But to the reason why we must rebuild together. and of the terrible loss of fear
